The international communist movement, steadily guided in its practical activities by the theory of Marxism-Leninism, has accumulated a rich experience of political alliances. Even in the interwar period, the significance of Lenin's ideas about the unification of democratic forces was clearly manifested in France, Spain, Chile and a number of other countries, where a united popular front was created to fight fascism and the threat of war. Of considerable interest is the experience of Polish communists who headed the anti-fascist popular Front in the 1930s.

The history of the formation and main problems of the popular front in Poland are analyzed in both Soviet and Polish historiography. At the same time, this topic attracts the attention of researchers again and again, both for its significance, and for the opportunity to take a deeper look at many aspects of this multifaceted problem in the light of new facts and documents that have recently become known, and, finally, the need to continue developing some provisions that have not yet received proper coverage in the literature. This article attempts to highlight the activities of the Communist Party of Poland (CPP) in creating a united workers ' and people's front against the advance of fascism and the growing military danger in the mid-1930s.

The victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution brought national liberation and State independence to the Polish people. However, as a result of the international and domestic political situation prevailing at that time, the bourgeois - landowner elite seized power in the country. After the coup d'etat committed by Yu. Pilsudski in May 1926, one woman came to power.

1 See: "History of Poland", Vol. III. M. 1958; "From the History of the Polish labor movement", M. 1962; A. N. Matsko. The struggle of the workers of Poland and Western Belarus against fascism (1933-1939). Minsk. 1963; same name. Revolutionary struggle of the working people of Poland and Western Belarus against the oppression of the bourgeoisie and landlords (1918-1939). Minsk. 1972; O. M. Shvydak. International unity of the working people of Western Ukraine and Poland in the Revolutionary liberation struggle (1929-1939). Kiev. 1972 (in Ukrainian). Many questions of the topic were covered in essays and articles: A. P. Sema. KPP's struggle for the United People's Front, against fascism (1934-1935). "New and recent History", 1962, N6; M. M. Boguslavsky. VII Congress of the Comintern and the struggle for the creation of the popular front in Poland (1934-1935). "Soviet Slavic Studies", 1966, N2; V. F. Kadatsky, A. Kh. Klevansky, I. V. Mikhutina, M. M. Sumarokova. The Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia on the way to a new political orientation and the Seventh Congress of the Comintern. "Soviet Slavic Studies", 1975, N 4, et al. In the Polish literature, a number of monographs and articles are devoted to this topic: J. Zarnowski. Polska Partia Socjalistyczna w latach 1935 - 1936. "Najnowsze dzieje Polski. Materialy i studia z okresu 1914 - 1939". T. III. Warszawa. 1960; e j usd. Polska Partia Socjalistyczna w latach 1935 - 1939. Warszawa. 1965; J. Коwalczyk. Rok 1935. Przyczynek do historii jednolitego frontu w Polsce. Warszawa. 1965; Т. К a 1 i с k a. Z zagadnien jednolitego frontu KPP i PPS w latach 1933 - 1934. Warszawa. 1967; "Historia polskiego ruchu robotniczego. 1864 - 1964". T. I. Warszawa. 1967; J. Kowalski. Trudne lata. Problemy rozwoju polskiego ruchu robotniczego. 1929 - 1935. Warszawa. 1966; ej usd. Komunistyczna Partia Polski. 1935 - 1938. Warszawa. 1975.

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one of the most reactionary, adventurous and aggressive cliques, which used the slogan of rehabilitation - "health improvement" of public life as a cover. It should be borne in mind that the checkpoint qualified the rehabilitation as a fascist dictatorship. According to modern Polish historians, the dictatorial regime of rehabilitation did not have all the features characteristic of fascism, but nevertheless it had features that either brought it closer to fascism, "or prepared the ground for fascism"2 . The interwar years were a period of acute struggle of the working masses against the oppression of the bourgeoisie and landlords, for their social liberation, for democratic freedoms and peace, for socialism.

The deep economic and class contradictions in Poland in the early 1930s were particularly pronounced. By this time, a new situation had developed in the world. The capitalist system was gripped by a deep economic crisis. The most reactionary circles of the bourgeoisie in many countries relied on fascism, which brought with it the offensive of capital against the working masses and prepared for the outbreak of wars of conquest. By this time, the Soviet Union had "finally established itself on the socialist path." 3 His influence in international affairs has increased. All this meant "a new major shift in the balance of class forces on a global scale in favor of socialism, to the detriment of capitalism." 4 In Poland, which was one of the weakest links in the chain of the capitalist system, the effects of the global economic crisis were particularly pronounced. Industrial production has almost halved5 . Unemployment has reached unprecedented levels. According to the CPT, the number of unemployed people with families at that time exceeded 3 million people. In addition, almost 40% of the employees were employed part-time6 . The capitalists did everything possible to increase the intensity of labor, reduce wages. During the crisis, there was a rapid destruction of the village, where there were hundreds of thousands of "extra" workers. All this aggravated the internal contradictions in the country.

After the fascists came to power in Germany, the reaction in Poland sharply intensified. Already in February 1933, the Polish Government submitted to the Sejm draft laws that affected political rights and infringed on the material interests of the general population. Rehabilitation has taken the path of changing the country's constitution. Pilsudczyk intensified political terror by establishing a concentration camp in Bereza Kartuzska in 1934. Thousands of communists, participants in the strike struggle and revolutionary demonstrations were thrown into prison. According to the Polish Section of the MOPR, the number of political prisoners in 1933 reached 12,000, 7 in 1934 - 14,000, and in 1935 - 16,000 .8 But mass terror and reactionary laws did not achieve the desired goal of rehabilitation. The CPR Central Committee assessed the internal situation in Poland in early 1933 as follows: "The political situation in the country is getting worse. The hatred of the broad masses for the fascist dictatorship of Pilsudski is evident at every step in the city and in the countryside. " 9
The 1930s were marked by a massive upsurge in strikes in Poland.-

2 "Polski ruch robotniczy. Zarys historii". Warszawa. 1972, s. 198.

3 "The CPSU in resolutions and decisions of congresses, conferences and plenums of the Central Committee". Ed. 8. Vol. 5, p. 129.

4 "The Seventh Congress of the Communist International and the Struggle against Fascism and War". Collection of documents, Moscow, 1975, p. 397.

5 " World economy. Yezhegodnik. 1938-1939". Moscow, 1939, p. 280.

6 Centralne Archiwum przy Komitecie Centralnym Polskiej Ziednoczonei Partii Ro-botniczej (CA КС PZPR), sygn. 158/1 - 6, t. 1, k. 21.

7 TSPA NML at the Central Committee of the CPSU, f. 539, on. 3, d. 973, l. 19.

8 N. Wain. Wigzniowie polityczni w Polsce w latach 1918 - 1939. "Z pola walki", 1965, N 4, s. 9.

9 CA KC PZPR, sygn. 158/IV-2, t. 10, k. 22.

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traffic control. According to official data, in 1930-1937, more than 8,000 strikes took place, which lasted 18.4 million strike man-days, and 2,850,000 workers took part in them10 . From year to year, the number of enterprises and industries affected by strikes grew. At the same time, the base of the strike struggle was being shifted, as indicated at the Sixth Congress of the CPR (October 1932), "from small and medium-sized to large-scale industry"11 . There was a growing tendency for group strikes, when workers from many factories and factories came out at the same time. In 1930, about 30% participated, in 1932 - 60%, and in subsequent years - up to 75% of the strikers. Occupation strikes were widespread, accompanied by the seizure of enterprises by strikers. In 1931-1937, there were 2,826 occupation strikes in the country12 . The level of political activity in Poland, according to the ECCI, was "higher than in other capitalist countries"13 . Mass actions of the unemployed, the peasant movement, and the national liberation movement in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus merged with the workers ' strike struggle.

In the new situation that had developed in the world by the mid-1930s, the communist movement faced an urgent need to identify ways and develop methods for uniting revolutionary and progressive forces capable of resisting fascism, which had become an international danger. The political orientation of the communist movement was developed through the collective efforts of fraternal parties under the leadership of the Comintern. "The Comintern was the center of all that was most creative and progressive in the liberation movement of its time. It embodied the highest achievements of Marxist-Leninist thought and the best features of the militant, proletarian party system. He absorbed from the experience of the fraternal parties all that was most valuable and universally valid, ensuring that this best was extended to the entire communist movement. " 14
Together with the entire communist movement, the Communist Party of Poland sought new forms and methods of leading the revolutionary struggle in relation to the specific internal political conditions of its country and the current international situation. By the mid-1930s, it had significantly strengthened in ideological and organizational relations. From a small political organization, it grew into a party that exerted influence on the broad masses of the working people. The CPP had 6800 members in 1930, 12,000 in 1932, and 17,000 Communists in 193515 . The Communist Youth Union of Poland, which numbered 15,000 people in 1935, was closely associated with the party and operated under its leadership .16 General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee Yu. Lensky, in his report to the Sixth Party Congress, noted the rapid growth of its influence among the workers, peasants, and intelligentsia .17 The Communist movement in Poland has raised and promoted many selfless fighters for the interests of the working class .18 Guided by the theory-

10 "Statystyka pracy. Kwartalnik", 1938, N 2, s. 93.

11 CA KC PZPR, sygn. 158/1 - 6, t. 1, k. 42.

12 "Statystyka pracy. Kwartalnik", 1938, N 2, s. 93, 96.

13 "XII ECCI Plenum". Verbatim report, vol. I. M. 1933, p. 50.

14 B, N. Ponomarev. Georgy Dimitrov in the struggle against fascism during the Second World War. "The Working Class and the modern World", 1972, N 2, p. 21.

15 See materials of the V and VI CPR congresses: CA KC PZPR, sygn. 158/1-6, t. 12, k. 1; sygn. 158/1-b, t. II, k. 4; "Od VI do VII kongresu Migdzynarodowki Komunistycznej". "Nowe drogi", 1975, N 8, s. 65.

16 TSPA IML under the Central Committee of the CPSU, f. 533, on. 10, d. 2353, l. 244.

17 CA COP PZPR, sygn. 158/1-6, t. 1, k. 5.

18 For the leading cadres of the KPP and the activities of individual Communists, see: E. Swietlikowa. Centralne instancje partyjne KPP w latach 1918 - 1938. "Z pola walki", 1969, N 4; "Komunisci. Wspomnienia о Komunistycznej Partii Polski". Warsza-wa. 1969.

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Using the rich experience of the international communist movement, the CPP developed its own program and tactics of action that would meet the interests of the working class and the working masses of Poland.

The unity of the ranks of the working class remained an important condition for achieving success in the revolutionary struggle. "Without unity of the working class," V. I. Lenin taught, "the success of its struggle is impossible." 19 However, the labor movement in Poland during the interwar period was not united. The most class-conscious and militant part of the working class followed the Communists, another part followed the reformist parties-the Polish Socialist Party( PPP), the Bund, the German and Ukrainian Social-Democratic Parties, and, finally, a third part of it stood aloof from the political struggle and took a passive position. For many years, the CPR has been fighting for the creation and strengthening of a united workers ' front "from below". But until 1933, the Central Committee of the CPR, while assessing the socialist and social-democratic parties as "social-fascist", did not consider it possible to appeal to their leadership with proposals for joint action.

In the face of the growing danger of fascism, the CPP took the first step towards creating a united proletarian front in Poland in March 1933. This was preceded by an appeal issued by the ECCI on March 5, 1933, calling for unity of action between Communists and socialists in the struggle against fascism. It emphasized that only "a united front of the working class against the bourgeoisie would have repelled the advance of capital and "fascism." 20 Following the decisions of the ECCI, on March 7, 1933, the Central Committee of the CPR sent an open letter to the governing bodies of the PPS, the Bund, and the German and Ukrainian social-Democratic parties, in which, pointing out the great danger of fascism, it stressed that the international situation " with all its force puts before the workers of all countries, before all the workers of Poland, Western Ukraine, and Western The necessity of creating a united front in the struggle against the fascist offensive of the bourgeoisie " 21 .

The KPP proposed a concrete plan for organizing a united proletarian front in Poland. In this regard, attention should be drawn to the important clarifications contained in the correspondence between the Politburo and the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPR 22 . The Politburo of the Central Committee, in a letter to the Secretariat dated March 11, 1933, stated:: "First of all, about the appeal of the Comintern. This appeal is undoubtedly a complete change in our previous tactics and practices of the united front. This change is primarily due to a change in the situation." In response, the Secretariat reported to the Politburo of the CPR Central Committee: "We consider a new change in tactics on the issue of the united front appropriate from the point of view of the specific situation that has developed in Europe after Hitler came to power. At the meeting of the Secretariat, we immediately took steps to implement your directives without delay. " 23
However, the attempts of the Communists to encourage the leadership of the PPP and other reformist parties to organize a united workers ' front did not yield any positive results at that time. Which met in early April

19 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 23, p. 205.

20 " International solidarity of workers in the fight against fascism, against the outbreak of the Second World War (1933-1937)", Moscow, 1961, p.73.

21 "The Communist Party of Poland in the struggle for the independence of its country". Materials and documents. M 1955, :tr. 165, 166.

22 In conditions of deep underground, the CPR Central Committee divided its forces into two parts: the Central Committee Secretariat directed the work of the party directly in Poland, and the Central Committee Politburo, which directed the work of the Secretariat, was located abroad (see: M. Pfeiffer. Korespondencja miedzy Biurera Politycznym a Sekretariatem KC K. PP ("Listy z Domu i do Domu"). "Z pola walki", 1958, N 2, s. 253 - 256).

23 CA COP PZPR, sygn. 158 / IV-2, t. 12, k. 6; sygn. 158 / V-3, t. 29, k. 42.

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In 1933, the Central Council of the PPS officially rejected the Communist proposals, and the same position was taken by the Bund and other Social Democratic parties in Poland. The Central Committee of the CPR did not rule out that the PPS and other parties might not support the Communist initiative to create a united proletarian front, and therefore simultaneously, on March 7, 1933, published an appeal to the workers of Poland, Western Ukraine, and Western Belarus, which contained the full text of the open letter and called on the masses to create a united front from below to fascism 24 . The Politburo of the CPR Central Committee instructed the Secretariat to develop its work so that the district committees of the CPR would address local committees of socialist parties with proposals for organizing a united front of action .25
However, the local party organizations of the CPP were not sufficiently prepared for such a turn in their activities, and they did not even then launch a broad campaign among the masses around the letter of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Poland and the refusal of the social-Democratic leaders to conclude a united front .26 The political turnaround process at the checkpoint was not an easy one. The difficulties were caused by the fact that the CPT still linked the struggle of the working class against capital and fascism with the task of directly preparing the socialist revolution in Poland, for which there were insufficient prerequisites at that time, and underestimated the importance of general democratic demands. The CPT's turn to the new policy was also hindered by the fact that the Communists continued to treat social democracy as "social fascism", directing their struggle against it instead of winning it over to the anti-fascist front. Such a position was undoubtedly a tribute to the old methods of activity, it did not correspond to the changed situation. As a result, the transition to new positions, as stated later by Yu. Lensky, at the checkpoint lasted a whole year 27 .

At the end of 1933 - beginning of 1934, important political events took place in the world: a broad movement in defense of G. Dimitrov developed everywhere, the working masses of Austria actively opposed the offensive of fascism, and, finally, the working people of France, led by the Communist Party, gave a powerful rebuff to fascism. These events had a huge impact on the movement for a united workers ' front in Poland. Push, Yu pointed out. Lensky, "it was undoubtedly the Communist Party of France," who raised workers of various political trends to the movement for unity of action. From February 1934, he noted, the CPR began "systematically applying united front tactics in a new way." 28
Of course, the CCP, like other communist parties at the time, found it difficult to immediately find the right solutions to its problems. This required an in-depth study and generalization of the current events, a creative application of Marxist-Leninist theory to the new conditions of the revolutionary movement. This important and extremely difficult work was then carried out by the Comintern. In June-August 1934, the commissions for the preparation of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern held a comprehensive discussion of the main problems of the international working-class movement, in which representatives of the Communist Party also participated. In the speeches of G. Dimitrov, D. Z. Manuilsky, O. Kuusinen and other prominent figures of the international community-

24 "The struggle of the workers of Western Belarus for social and national liberation and reunification with the BSSR". Documents and materials. Vol. II. Minsk. 1972, pp. 220-223.

25 CA KC PZPR, sygn. 158/IV-2, t. 12, k. 8.

26 See The Communist International before the Seventh World Congress. Materials. Moscow, 1935, p. 291.

27 "The Communist Party of Poland-for the Anti-fascist People's Front", Moscow, 1935, p. 10.

28 Ibid., pp. 5, 7.

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The international communist movement made important propositions about the inevitability of an anti-fascist general democratic stage of the revolutionary movement in capitalist countries, about a united workers ' front, and other ideas that later developed into the concept of the popular front .29 New ideas and conclusions that were formulated during the discussion in the preparatory commissions were then implemented in a number of decisions of the Executive Committee of the Comintern. They were extremely important for the follow-up of the CPT.

In September 1934, a pamphlet by Yu was published illegally in Warsaw. Lensky's The Truth about the United Front, which, in the light of the conclusions of the ECCI, analyzed the new situation in the international labor movement and showed the origins of the powerful desire of the masses for a united proletarian front against the offensive of fascism. Y. Lensky wrote: "The United Front will raise the role of the proletariat as the leader of the vast masses of the peasantry, the oppressed peoples, and the impoverished petty bourgeoisie in their struggle against monopoly capitalism, fascism ,and imperialism." 30 Following this, Yu's articles were published in the theoretical organ of the KPP - the journal "Nowy przeglad". Lensky's "The Forces of the United front of the Proletariat are Growing" (October 1934), " For a Broad Anti-fascist Front "(November 1934), "KPP on the Eve of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern" (January 1935), "The Struggle Decides" (May 1935), " On the Way to the anti-fascist Popular Front "(June 1935 G.) and others. These articles, which were distinguished by their theoretical depth and specific practical recommendations, played an important role in the ideological and theoretical development of the CHECKPOINT and its transition to new tactics.

In the difficult conditions of illegal activity, the KPP gradually moved along the path of forming the views and practical organization of a united workers ' and broad anti-fascist front. Local organizations of the CPP were looking for ways to get closer to the social-democratic workers. In many party districts, camaraderie was established with leftist forces in the PPP and other opposition parties. As a result, by the beginning of 1935, the district committees of the CPP had concluded agreements with many local party and trade union organizations of the PPP in most industrial centers of the country, including Warsaw, Lodz, Upper Silesia, etc. The Communists sought to strengthen unity of action not only on the basis of their platform, but also in the struggle for every demand put forward by the PPP, if it was in the interests of the working masses. More flexible tactics than before allowed the CPT to achieve a number of joint actions with other organizations that enjoyed influence among workers.

The beginning of the formation of the popular front in Poland was the May Day campaign of 1935. Already in the course of its preparation, the CC of the CPP directed party organizations that the nature of the May Day action "should have exclusively political significance" and result in a nationwide protest against the new, openly fascist constitution just adopted by the Seimas. The celebration of May 1, 1935 in Poland, showed the considerable success of the Communist struggle for the unity of the working class. The Central Committee of the CPR noted the high level of political activity of the proletariat and stressed that "the slogans of the popular front in the struggle against fascism captured the broad masses." 31
In May and June 1935, the CPP twice appealed to the leadership of the socialist parties, suggesting that they should lead a joint struggle against the revolution.

29 See: "The Seventh Congress of the Communist International and the Struggle against Fascism and War", pp. 27-45; " The Communist International. A brief historical sketch", Moscow, 1969, pp. 375-380.

30 J. Lenski. O front Ludowy w Polsce. 1934 - 1937. Warszawa. 1956, s. 34,

31 CA COP PZPR, sygn. 158 / IV-2, t. 21, k. 40; sygn. 158/V-3, t. 44, k. 3.

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the new constitution and restrictions on the civil rights of the population 32 , but did not receive a response. The right-wing leaders of these parties disrupted the unity of workers ' actions. Then the Central Committee of the CPR adopted in June 1935 the declaration "The demand of the moment is the creation of an anti-fascist popular front, a front for the struggle for freedom, bread, labor and peace." The declaration of the Central Committee was published in mass circulation and brought to the primary party organizations. Its purpose was "to help local party organizations reach the most remote enterprises and all mass organizations with a single platform." 33 It stated that the Central Committee of the CPR "is ready to come to an agreement with any organization that unites the working masses and wants to fight for democratic freedoms, against the encroachments of capital, landlords and fascism, incendiaries and organizers of a new world war." 34
For the formation of the united popular front in Poland, a significant role was played by strengthening the left forces within the PPP. Their influence was especially strong in the Cracow, Lodz, Lviv and a number of other PPP organizations. Contacts between left-wing socialists and communist organizations were strengthened. All this contributed to the formation of a "non-aggression pact" between the CPT and the PPP, that is, an agreement to refrain from mutual attacks in the press and at meetings. At the same time, the right-wing leaders of the PPP in every possible way disrupted negotiations with the checkpoint and joint actions .35
The end of June 1935 was marked by the rise of a powerful wave of political protests by the working class against the new constitution and the anti-democratic electoral law. Workers in the industrial districts of Bialystok and Poznań, Upper Silesia, Boryslav and Krosno oil basins, workers in Warsaw, Lodz, Lviv and other cities of the country were on strike, with about 200,000 people participating .36 As noted by Yu. According to Lensky, there has been "a profound shift towards the mass political struggle of the proletariat directed against the fascist regime."37
The Seventh Congress of the Comintern, held in Moscow from July 25 to August 20, 1935, was of outstanding importance for the further struggle of the CPP and the entire international communist movement for a united workers ' and people's front. The congress was attended by a 24-member CPT delegation. Speeches at the Congress of Yu. Lensky, B. Bronkovsky and other delegates confirmed their deep understanding of the urgent tasks of the communist movement and the specific features of the political leadership of the revolutionary struggle in Poland. 38 The congress focused on the struggle against fascism and the threat of war. It was also extremely important for Poland. With the growth of fascist reaction all over the world, B. Bronkowski said at the congress, " Polish fascism is entering the path of implementing a total system and is trying to complete the work of fascization by introducing a new fascist constitution and a new electoral law... The remnants of political rights and social gains are being taken away from the masses of the people."39
32 "Dokumenty Komunistycznej Partii Polski. 1935 - 1938". Warszawa. 1968, s. 20- 21, 28 - 31.

33 CA COP PZPR, sygn. 158 / IV-2, t. 23, k. 11.

34 "KPP. Uchwaly i rezolucje". T. III. Warszawa. 1956, s. 608.

35 J. Zarnowski. Polska Partia Socjalistyczna w latach 1935 - 1936. "Najnowsze dzieje Polski. Materialy i studia z okresu 1914 - 1939". T. III. Warszawa. 1960.

36 J. Kieszczyriski. Kronika ruchu zawodowego w Polsce. 1908 - 1939. Warszawa. 1972, s. 346 - 347.

37 J. Lenski. Op. cit., s. 138.

38 See "Communist Party of Poland-for the Anti-fascist People's Front", pp. 3-93, and " Od VI do VII kongresu Miedzynarodowki Komunistycznej "("Nowe drogi", 1975, N° 8, s. 65-72).

39 "Communist Party of Poland-for the Anti-fascist People's Front", p. 45.

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The Seventh Congress of the Comintern raised the question of the necessity of the Communist struggle against the threat of war. The Congress delegates spoke with great concern about German fascism. In the speeches of the representatives of the CPT, it was shown that the Polish bourgeois government follows in the wake of the foreign policy of fascist Germany and cooperates with it in putting together an anti-Soviet bloc. But the workers of Poland, pointed out Yu. Lensky, " they begin to understand that the policy of expansion of the German imperialists to the East, supported by Pilsudchina, would have been carried out with the blood of Polish workers if Poland was vassally dependent on Hitlerite Germany... The Polish masses are beginning to realize that the only consistent supporter of Poland's independence is the USSR. " 40 The Congress's conclusion read: "The central slogan of the Communist parties should be: struggle for peace." 41 This marked the beginning of the turn that the international communist movement would later take in the struggle for peace.

The Congress defined a clear line of action in the fight against fascism and the growing danger of war. In his decisions, he assumed that the main role in this struggle belongs to the working class - the most advanced and progressive class of our time. The Congress directed the communist parties to apply the tactics of unity of action of the workers in a new way: to seek agreement on joint actions of the various detachments of the working class, regardless of their political directions, without putting forward any conditions, except one acceptable to all workers - that " unity of action should be directed against fascism, against the offensive of capital, against the threat of war, against the class enemy " 42 .

The forces of the working class alone were not sufficient to defeat fascism, but its alliance with other strata of the population had to be strengthened in every possible way. The Seventh Congress of the Comintern developed Lenin's doctrine of an alliance between the working class and the non-Proletarian masses, putting forward the idea of a popular front. The CPT delegation actively supported this provision. In their speeches, the Congress delegates pointed out that Poland, where, along with the selfless struggle of the proletariat, a powerful peasant movement and a national liberation movement are developing in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus, the issue of uniting all revolutionary and democratic forces in a united front of struggle against fascism is particularly acute. Justifying the need for a popular front, Y. Lensky categorically rejected the leftist arguments that the fall of the fascist dictatorship itself would immediately lead to the dictatorship of the proletariat. "In Poland," he said, " where the fascist dictatorship is liquidating all remnants of bourgeois democracy, where the Communist Party is driven underground, where the socialist parties have the predominant influence in the working class, and where the peasant party leads the vast mass of the working peasantry, it is even less likely and possible than in countries like France to have direct contact with the working class. transition to the dictatorship of the proletariat. In Poland, after the fall of the fascist dictatorship, various options for transitional governments are possible, up to a popular front government with the participation of a peasant party. " 43
The Popular Front in the understanding of the leadership of the checkpoint grew out of the protection of the broad masses of democratic rights and freedoms from the fascist

40 Ibid., p. 27.

41 "The Seventh Congress of the Communist International and the struggle against fascism and War", p. 386.

42 City of Dimitrov. Selected Works, vol. I. M. 1957, p. 394.

43 "Communist Party of Poland-for the Anti-fascist People's Front", p. 24.

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threats. For the CPP, the popular front platform was subordinated to the main task-to mobilize the broad masses of working people to fight against the government of the oppressors of the people, to overthrow the rehabilitation regime. Fighting for the dictatorship of the proletariat, for genuine democracy of the working people, the Communists were ready, according to Yu. Lensky, "to support the democratic activities of every anti-fascist government that implements the popular front platform" 44 . The communist movement found in the popular front a new form of unification in which the working class, rallying all the revolutionary and democratic forces around it, would act as the hegemon of the struggle for anti-fascist, general democratic goals. At the same time, with all the variety of forms of the popular front, the implementation of its program should have led to the development and strengthening of democratic freedoms, to the restriction of the rule of monopolies, and opened up new approaches to the struggle for socialism.

Guided by the decisions of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern, the CPP firmly established itself in the position of a political concept, the main ideas of which were as follows: the main enemy of the working class and the liberation movement - imperialism, the personification of the most reactionary forces of which at that time was fascism; the central task of the communist movement - to concentrate all efforts on the The line for solving this problem is to create a united front of the working-class movement and form a united front of the whole people, to unite them with all the anti-fascist forces, with the decisive force capable of resisting fascism and imperialist war on the world stage - the Soviet Union. Guided by these tasks and taking real account of the international and domestic political situation in Poland, the CPT made a political turn in leading the revolutionary struggle of the working class and the working masses in its country.

In August 1935, during the Seventh Congress of the Comintern, the third Plenum of the CPR Central Committee was held in Moscow. The materials of the plenum were not published, but the content of its work is provided by correspondence between the Politburo and the Secretariat of the CPR Central Committee. The "Letter Home" of August 25, 1935 reported on the plenum of the CPR Central Committee ,at which"issues of the post-congress campaign and practical conclusions from the congress meetings were discussed." The main point of the campaign, it went on, should be the "concept of the Seventh Congress on the united workers' front and the popular front." At the same time, they stressed the need to make the party understand that "this tactical turn is' serious and long-lasting ' and it requires further, fundamental changes in the methods of daily activity. "45 In subsequent directives issued by the CPR Central Committee to the local authorities, the line of the new political orientation was further developed and specified. In the "Letter Home" of September 14, 1935, it was stressed that the materials of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern should be available in all party committees and organizations, and they should be brought to the attention of the broad masses. It was recommended to concentrate on discussing the issues of the united Workers ' and popular front, the situation in the trade unions, and working methods among the peasantry. "Everyone must understand," the letter said,"that we are talking about a new tactical orientation for the entire International." 46 In November 1935, the Party Central Committee adopted a resolution entitled "Tasks of the CPP in the light of the decisions of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern", which became a directive for all political campaigns of the party. This is how the CPT concretized its tasks in the fight step by step

44 Ibid., p. 22.

45 CA KC PZPR, sygn. 158/IV-2, t. 25, k. 20.

46 Ibid., k. 40.

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for a united workers ' and people's front in the country, against "the government of famine, terror and war, for bread, labor and freedom" 47 .

In the second half of 1935, the internal political situation in Poland began to sharply escalate. Sanation based on the anti-democratic electoral law has launched preparations for the Seimas elections. During this campaign, the struggle between the forces of reaction and democracy intensified. The Communists became the most active advocates of unity of action among the working people. They suggested that other parties opposed to the rehabilitation regime unite and use the election campaign to organize a general political strike. The leaders of the PPP and other opposition parties decided to boycott the elections, calling on them to "stay at home"on this day. The boycott slogan gained support among the masses. Under the circumstances, the Central Committee of the CPR decided that the main line required "not to break away from the masses, to take into account their mood" and therefore to boycott the elections. At the same time, the CPT called for a joint action of active boycott, and not for simple non-participation in the elections, for expanding and deepening political agitation among the masses, and mobilizing them to fight resolutely against the rehabilitation of 48 .

Despite the fact that the right-wing leaders of the PPP, as well as other parties, did not give their consent to this, most of the local organizations of these parties, as well as trade unions, supported the Communist proposals. CPT district committees entered into agreements with them on joint actions based on a common platform. At many enterprises, "unified boycott committees"were created on the initiative of the Communists. The campaign of boycotting the elections was gaining a truly nationwide character. Even according to official data, the Sejm elections of September 8, 1935 in Poland were boycotted by 53.6% of electors49 . Of those who were forced to the ballot boxes, more than 1.5 million people dropped invalid ballots. Thus, almost 3/4 of the adult population of the country spoke out against the domestic and foreign policies of the rehabilitation government. "The results of the elections to the Sejm of sanation," the CPT Central Committee said in a statement, "show the defeat of the ruling gang of oppressors of the people and military adventurers." 50 The failure of the rehabilitation regime in the Seimas elections has raised the question of consolidating the forces of the democratic opposition with unprecedented urgency. "Who is the enemy of the fascist dictatorship?" wrote Yu. Lensky, - he should advocate the unity of all anti-fascist forces. It's not enough to boycott the hated government. We still need to take him down. " 51 The Central Committee of the Communist Party issued a special statement in September 1935: "All the forces of the people to fight against the government of the rehabilitation clique!" 52 .

The second half of 1935 was marked by major strikes in the country. The trade union masses were increasingly drawn into the struggle. The trade union left, which was under the influence of the CPP, decided in September 1935 to disband itself and join reformist and other trade unions in order to win the masses over to the platform of the united anti-fascist popular front. The ranks of the united trade unions began to grow rapidly. In 1935, there were 214,000 members of the Polish class trade unions, and in early 1937, there were already over 420,000 members .53
47 " KRR. Uchwaly i rezolucje". Т. Ill, s. 528 - 542; J. Lenski. Op. cit., s. 137.

48 "Dokumenty Komunistycznej Partii Polski. 1935 - 1938", s. 41 - 47; CA КС PZPR, sygn. 158/IV-2, t. 24, k. 21.

49 "Nowy przeglad", 1935, N 7, s. 678.

50 "KPP. Uchwaly i rezolucje". T. Ill, s. 612.

51 J. Lenski. Op. cit., s. 178.

52 "The Communist Party of Poland in the struggle for the independence of its country", pp. 208-210.

53 Y. Lensky. Experience of fighting for the People's front in Poland. The Communist International, 1937, No. 1, p. 44.

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At the end of 1935, a powerful campaign for the amnesty of political prisoners became central to the political struggle. The Communist call to fight for the release of political prisoners became increasingly popular. Committees of struggle for the release of political prisoners were formed everywhere, which, in addition to communists, included members of socialist and peasant parties, various public and cultural and educational organizations. The struggle for amnesty has become widespread in Western Ukraine, especially in Lviv, where, according to the CPT Central Committee, "this campaign has developed in an exemplary manner." A single organizing committee was set up here to lead the campaign. On December 14, 1935, families of political prisoners marched through the streets of Lviv. On the same evening, a meeting of workers and the public of the city was held, which was attended by about 5 thousand people. Everyone was in the same mood: "If they don't release us, we will open the prison gates ourselves and release our comrades."54 The participants unanimously adopted a resolution demanding the release of all political prisoners. Under the pressure of the mass popular movement, the Government was forced to make concessions and declare an amnesty. Over 3,500 political prisoners were released from prison. For others, the prison term was reduced by 55 . "The struggle for amnesty," the Central Committee of the CPR noted, "was a vivid demonstration of proletarian class unity and a workers 'and peasants' union. It confirmed that no force can restrain the desire of the masses for unity in the struggle, for the creation of a united front and an anti-fascist popular front. " 56
For the formation of the popular front in Poland, the decisions of the fourth plenum of the CPR Central Committee were of great importance. The Central Committee Plenum met in Moscow on February 17, 19, and 20, 1936. In the report by Yu. The resolutions adopted emphasized the importance of the decisions of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern for developing a new strategic course of the CPP for a general democratic revolution of the anti-fascist type as a stage on the road to a socialist revolution in Poland. The resolution of the plenum "For the consistent implementation of the line of the Seventh Congress of the Communist International" defined and concretized the main tasks of the CPP in the struggle to strengthen its ranks and improve the organizational work of the party, to strengthen the party's influence among the masses and to form an anti-fascist popular front in Poland. The Central Committee of the CPR adopted the manifesto " To fight against the rehabilitation oppressors and traitors of the people, against warmongers!"57 . The manifesto reflected the strengthening of the connection of the proletarian struggle with the national interests of the entire Polish people, with the cause of defending Poland's independence in the face of the threat from Fascist Germany .58
The revolutionary movement in Poland developed widely under the banner of the popular front in 1936. At the beginning of March, mass strikes of textile workers broke out in Lodz; during them, a single central strike committee was created, 2/3 of which were made up of communists and socialists. Over 140 thousand people participated in the performances. Workers have met their basic requirements 59 . In the second half of March, powerful revolutionary actions of the workers of Cracow unfolded. In protest against the brutal reprisal for-

54 CA KC PZPR, sygn. 158/IV-2, t. 27, k. 27; sygn. 165/V, t. 28, k. 61.

55 TSPA IML under the Central Committee of the CPSU, f. 539, on. 3, 1000, l. 14.

56 "Dokumenty Komunistycznej Partii Polski. 1935 - 1938", s. 101.

57 "KPP. Uchwaly i rezolucje". T. Ill, s. 543, 569.

58 "The Communist Party of Poland in the struggle for the independence of its country", p. 219.

59 For more information, see A. Litvin. Lodz Strike of 1936, Moscow, 1959.

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On March 23, a one-day general strike was declared over the striking workers of the Semperit factory at the initiative of the Communists and members of the PPP. A mass rally was held in the city center, and then a demonstration was held with the participation of more than 20 thousand workers. The police opened fire on the demonstrators. Eight people were killed and several dozen wounded. In response to the massacre, workers began to build barricades and put up strong resistance to the authorities. On the day of the funeral of the victims of police terror, 120 thousand demonstrators took to the streets of the city, joined by peasants from the surrounding villages. The Cracow events demonstrated the strength of the Polish working class, which was manifested "in the combination of a strike and a mass demonstration" 60, and they gave a new impetus to the struggle for the creation of the popular anti-fascist front. As a sign of solidarity with the workers of Krakow, workers of many enterprises in Warsaw, Czestochowa, Lviv and other cities of the country went on strike. On April 2, 1936, a general one-hour protest strike was held all over the country, prepared jointly by Communists and socialists. This movement, according to the CPR Central Committee, was "purely political in nature."61
The situation in the country continued to escalate. One after another, workers ' strikes and demonstrations by broad masses of workers under the banner of the popular front followed. In mid-April 1936, revolutionary events unfolded in Lviv. The city hosted performances of unemployed people under the slogans: "Work and bread!", " Down with fascism!". In one of the clashes between the police and demonstrators, a worker V. Kozak was killed. This caused a new wave of workers ' hatred for sanitation. At the call of the local organization of the Communist Party of Western Ukraine (CPSU), on April 16, the city was engulfed in a general strike. About 50 thousand people gathered for the funeral of the deceased 62 . The city authorities tried to prevent working columns from passing through the streets of Lviv. Police opened fire on a peaceful demonstration. But the workers, sweeping away one by one the police barriers, stubbornly went forward. Violent fights broke out in the streets. There were dead and wounded among the workers, but their comrades took the place of the fallen. They once again picked up the bullet-riddled coffin, raised red banners, and advanced with shouts of "Long live the Proletarian Revolution!" and "Long live Soviet Lviv!" 63 Only in the evening about 2 thousand people reached the cemetery and over the grave of the deceased comrade swore to tirelessly fight against the fascist reaction. At the same time, barricade fights with the police continued in the city. An eyewitness of the Lviv events, former rehabilitation Prime Minister K. Bartel, spoke with fear: "If people are shot at, but they do not run away and go without fear of death, then this is not just excitement. This smells like revolution. " 64 On April 16, 1936, 46 people were killed and over 300 wounded in clashes with the police in Lviv. About 1,500 people were arrested for participating in a political demonstration. The CPSU Central Committee noted that the performance on this day was organized by "the entire Lviv working class, all workers' parties, and all trade unions. " 65 It was a truly anti-fascist performance, held under the banner of the United popular front.

The Polish working class actively supported the CPT's calls for solidarity and responded with new demonstrations across the country.

60 Yu. Lensky. For a powerful front for freedom and peace. The Communist International, 1936, No. 9, p. 60.

61 Ibid., p. 59.

62 CA KC PZPR, sygn. 165/V, t. 25, k. 48.

63 Ibid., k. 45.

64 "Kurjer Codzienny", 24.IV.1936.

65 Party Archive of the Institute of Party History under the Central Committee of the Communist Party, f. 233, op. 1, 236, l. 62.

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Under the banner of the united workers ' and People's front, 100 thousand people took part in the May Day demonstrations of 1936 in Warsaw, 80 thousand in Lodz, 60 thousand in Katowice, 50 thousand in Lublin, many thousands of demonstrations took place in Krakow, Lviv, Poznan and other cities, as well as in rural areas .66 During 1936-1937, 4,130 strikes took place in Poland, involving more than 1,228,000 people .67 The proletariat of Poland was in the vanguard of the revolutionary struggle of the working masses of the country. The soul and organizers of this struggle were the Communists.

The Fifth Plenum of the CPR Central Committee, held in February 1937, gave a comprehensive assessment of the turbulent revolutionary events in the country. He defined the party's tasks of rallying the working masses in a broad democratic popular front to fight the reactionary rehabilitation regime. The plenum paid special attention to protecting the security and independence of Poland, writing in its decision: "The struggle for peace, for Poland's accession to the union of peace - loving states created by France, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union, is today an effective means of defending Poland's independence against its only enemy, Hitler's Germany."68 The plenum put forward the slogan " No enemy in the camp of Levica!", which indicated that the Polish Communists had made a new major step forward in solving problems of a general democratic nature, creating a truly broad popular front for the struggle against fascism.

A powerful wave of the revolutionary movement caused the Polish intelligentsia to go wild. An important event was the Anti-fascist Congress of Cultural Workers, which was attended by prominent writers, artists, publicists, and scientists of the country. Among them were L. Kruchkovsky, V. Bronevsky, V. Vasilevskaya, G. Gurskaya, Ya. Galan, A. Gavrilyuk and others. The Congress was held on May 16-17, 1936 in Lviv. Reports "Culture, war and fascism" and "Literature and social problems"were heard. The Congress passed a resolution condemning fascism and expressing "its full solidarity with the popular front", emphasizing that "the struggle against the imperialist war and for peace is the first and fundamental duty of all progressive cultural workers" .69 The Congress of Cultural Workers aroused the broadest responses of the country's progressive public and demonstrated the unity of its democratic forces in the fight against fascism.

Guided by the decisions of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern, the CPT intensified its efforts to strengthen the alliance of the working class with the non-Proletarian strata of the population. Under the influence of the growing labor movement in Poland, a new wave of revolutionary peasant uprisings began in the mid-1930s. A major event was their demonstration on June 29, 1936 in the village of Novoseltsy, Przeworski county. At the call of Stronnitstv Ludovoi, about 120-150 thousand people gathered here from the surrounding villages. But contrary to the intentions of the organizers, the demonstration turned into a powerful anti-fascist speech. Columns of peasants marched in front of the rostrum where the head of the rehabilitation clique Rydz-Smigly was standing, proclaiming slogans: "Down with fascism!", " Long live the union of peasants and workers!", " We demand work, bread, education!". In the same year, the struggle of farm labourers and peasants in Volhynia and Polesie began, in which more than 300 thousand peasants participated. "For the first time in recent years," said Yu. Lensky, - mass poly-

66 " International solidarity of workers in the fight against fascism, against the outbreak of World War II (1933-1937)", p.357.

67 "Statystyka Pracy. Kwartalnik", 1937, N 2, s. 119 - 120; 1938, N 3, s. 202 - 203.

68 "KPP. Uchwaly i rezolucje". T. III, s. 571.

69 "Anti-fascist Congress of Cultural workers in Lviv in 1936". Documents and materials. Lviv, 1956, pp. 26, 27.

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the communist movement has spread to the Polish countryside. " 70 At the same time, the national liberation movement was widely developed in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. A further increase in the wave of peasant protests in Poland resulted in a general strike in the summer of 1937 , which lasted for 10 days and covered the Cracow, Lviv, Warsaw, Kielec, Lodz, Poznan, Lublin, Bialystok and partly Volhynia and Polesie voivodeships. It was attended by about 10 million farmers. During the strike, farmers stopped delivering food to cities, organized rallies and demonstrations. Communists took an active part in the strike. The rehabilitation government dealt harshly with the striking peasants: about 4 thousand people were arrested. Nevertheless, the peasant strike was a powerful demonstration of the working masses of the countryside against the existing regime. It convincingly showed how much revolutionary energy has accumulated in the Polish countryside.

The anti-war movement played an important role in the struggle of the Polish workers. It developed as part of the peoples ' struggle against the threat of a new imperialist war. Mass events and gatherings were held in Poland on August 1-International Anti-War Day. In the summer of 1936, a broad campaign was launched in Poland in support of the World Peace Congress, which was scheduled to convene in Brussels in September of the same year. This campaign turned into a mass movement against the threat of war and the anti-people foreign policy of fascism, reaching wide sections of the working class, the peasantry, and the progressive intelligentsia. Under the leadership of the Communists, peace defense committees were formed in cities and villages, which carried out propaganda work among the masses. Up to 400,000 people were involved in meetings, rallies and demonstrations in defense of peace in Poland. If we take into account those who were covered by a broad questionnaire campaign, collecting signatures for peace and other forms of work, the total number of people involved in the peace movement in Poland at that time reached about 1 million people .72 The movement in defense of peace was held under the slogan of the popular anti-fascist front.

Since the summer of 1936, a powerful movement of solidarity and assistance to the people of Republican Spain has developed all over the world. The reactionary bourgeois government of Poland sided with the fascist rebels, but for the workers and peasants of the country, the defense of republican Spain was a matter of their own freedom and peace. The Central Committee of the CPP put forward the slogan: "The cause of Spain is the cause of Poland!" 73 . Throughout Warsaw, the Dombrow and Silesian basins, Lviv and other cities, the United Front workers ' conferences expressed their solidarity with the Spanish people. A successful fundraiser was held to help children and families of working people in Spain. The Popular Front for Assistance to Republican Spain strengthened the solidarity of Polish workers with the international movement of struggle against fascism.

A vivid manifestation of the feelings of proletarian internationalism was the participation of Polish anti-Fascist volunteers in the fighting in defense of the Spanish Republic in the ranks of the J. Dombrowski brigade. In an address to the Polish people, they wrote: "We, the sons of the Polish people-Ludovites, communists, socialists, Catholics and non-partisans, workers and peasants, who came here from Poland and from various places of Polish emigration, following the traditions of the Polish democrats who fought in the Soviet Union.

70 Yu. Lensky. Experience of fighting for the People's front in Poland. The Communist International, 1937, No. 1, p. 43.

71 "Strajk chtopski w 1937 roku. Dokumenty archiwalne". Tt. I-II. Warszawa. 1960.

72 Yu. Lensky. Experience of fighting for the People's front in Poland. The Communist International, 1937, No. 1, p. 43.

73 "Dokumenty Komunistycznej Partii Polski. 1935 - 1938", s. 176 - 180.

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during the period of national slavery, who linked the cause of Polish independence with the revolutionary-democratic movements in Europe and joined the ranks of this movement, united, we raised our banner on the lands of the Spanish Republic, on which is inscribed " For your and our freedom!", with the belief that, fighting shoulder to shoulder with the Spanish people for freedom and independence, we are fighting against the barbaric fascist hordes that incite war and threaten the independence of the Polish people. " 74 Polish volunteers, like members of international brigades from other countries, fought heroically against fascism.

Numerous facts convincingly show that in the mid - 1930s in Poland, the mighty stream of the working-class movement, the actions of the peasant masses and the progressive intelligentsia, and the national liberation struggle of the working people of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus merged into a single revolutionary channel. Here, under the leadership of the communists, the popular front for the struggle against the advance of fascism and the growing danger of a new world war was formed. According to its composition, it brought together members of opposition parties, trade unions and public organizations, and people of various nationalities and social status were involved in it. The mass struggle of the working people under the banner of the popular front became a serious obstacle to reaction. The Popular Front in Poland was part of an international movement of fighters against imperialism and the threat of war, for democracy and peace.

For many reasons, the movement for a united workers ' and people's front did not lead to the overthrow of the reactionary rehabilitation regime in Poland in the 1930s. But the years of selfless struggle of the working class, the peasantry, and the intelligentsia under the banner of the popular front did not pass fruitlessly; they gave an extremely rich political experience in consolidating the forces of the Polish people to repel fascism and the aggressive forces of imperialism. The experience of forming the united People's front was widely used by the Polish Communists during the Second World War in creating the anti-fascist democratic front. The struggle of the Polish people against the Nazi invaders merged with the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet people, which ultimately led to victory over fascism. In the new historical environment of the post-war period, using the accumulated experience, the Communists rallied the forces of the Polish people and ensured deep socio-economic, political and cultural transformations in the Polish People's Republic.

74 "The Communist Party of Poland in the struggle for the independence of its country", p. 264.

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