The influence of the Great October Socialist Revolution on the development of the workers ' movement in Portugal, on the spread of Marxist-Leninist ideas in Portugal, on the formation of the communist party and the unfolding of the anti-fascist democratic movement, the impact of the success of real socialism on the development of the revolutionary process in Portugal, and the understanding of this influence by Portuguese communists and historians are problems that have not, nor in Portuguese historiography.

A fundamental assessment of these problems can be found in the works of the leaders of the Portuguese Communist Party (PKP), B. Goncalves and A. Cunyal, 1 as well as materials published recently in the central organ of the PKP, the Avante! newspaper, on the history of the workers ' and communist movement in Portugal. N. G. Kolomiets dealt with these topics in general terms in his book 2 . This article attempts to present the opinion of Portuguese communists and progressive Portuguese historians about the role that Great October played in the history of the liberation struggle of the Portuguese people.

By the time the world's first socialist state emerged, Portugal, which had maintained a monarchy until the bourgeois revolution of 1910, was slowly moving towards consolidating the republican regime. Some democratic reforms were carried out in the country, but they did not solve the main problems of the working population. In the field of foreign policy, the bourgeois-Republican Government continued to depend on British imperialism and at the same time oppress the peoples of its colonies. Portugal's involvement in the First World War further exacerbated the deprivation and suffering of the masses due to falling living standards, rapidly rising prices, speculation and corruption. At that time, the Portuguese labor movement was dominated by anarcho-syndicalist tendencies. The Socialist Party, which was founded in 1875, has long since lost its influence in the working-class movement because of its opportunism and has sunk into bourgeois positions. Anarchists, on the other hand, completely rejected political activity and mostly relied on terror. And yet, despite the ideological confusion, the country was in the process of consolidating revolutionary elements, establishing ties with the left wing of the European labor movement. Portuguese revolutionaries actively supported antimili-

1 V. Goncalves. Porto. 1976; A. Cunhal. A Revolucao portuguesa. Lisboa. 1975; "Relatorio da actividade do Comite Central ao VI Congresso do PCP". Lisboa, 1965; A. Cunyal. Path to Victory, M. 1967, et al.

2 N. G. Kolomiets. Essays on the recent history of Portugal, Moscow, 1965.

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They took part in the International Congress of the Struggle for peace, which was held in Spain in April - May 1915, and in November 1915 published the manifesto of the Zimmerwald Conference in Portuguese newspapers .3
The Great October Socialist Revolution was a powerful stimulus for the further development of the Portuguese labor movement. As noted by B. Gonsalves, it aroused warm sympathy among the working people and the most radical representatives of the petty bourgeoisie. However, the strategy and tactics of the Leninist Party remained unknown in Portugal. The word "Bolshevik "was interpreted as a synonym for revolutionary maximalism. 4 In the bourgeois press of that time, the Bolsheviks were called so. Already on November 9, 1917, the largest newspaper, Diario de Noticias, published a report: "Petrograd is in the hands of the maximalists." On November 10, another bourgeois newspaper, O Dia, claimed:: "The maximalist movement encroaches on such elementary things as order and property; ...the disasters of the Bolshevik revolution are a consequence of Kerensky's Republican movement and his policy of more vigorous continuation of the war...". Revealing its true sympathies, the same newspaper predicted that "because of the republican system, Portugal will still have to survive the Soviet regime" 5 . This tone of commentary on the greatest event in the history of mankind was characteristic of the entire bourgeois press. The Porto newspaper Primeiro de Janeiro wrote on February 16, 1918:: "Today's Russia is a mess... An ignorant people, a madness that has taken hold of the soldiers, workers and rural workers, to whom a bunch of crazy utopians have said: "Feel like gods!"

At the same time, the anarchist magazine A Sementeira, although not particularly sympathetic to the Bolsheviks, published on January 31, 1918, an article entitled "The New Great Revolution", in which it exposed the lies and slander of the bourgeois press. On March 23, 1919, the central organ of the anarchists, the newspaper A Batalha, launched a special column entitled "In the Line of Fire", whose materials explained the causes and course of the development of the October Revolution, defended the achievements of the Soviet government from the perversions and slanders of the bourgeois press. On the occasion of the second anniversary of the October Revolution on November 7, 1919, this newspaper wrote:: "Today marks two years of the Russian socialist Revolution, two long heroic years. And if it were necessary, even in the absence of thousands of documents and irrefutable evidence, to confirm the vitality of its roots and the falsity of the attacks to which it is subjected, this fact alone of its two-year resistance in unimaginably difficult conditions would be quite sufficient for any open-minded person. " 6
Modern Portuguese progressive historiography notes the peculiar approach of the Portuguese labor movement of that time to the problems of the Russian Revolution. The lack of understanding of the role of the Bolshevik Party and the lack of familiarity with Leninism led to errors in the coverage of these problems. Nevertheless, the theme of the Soviets as the main instrument of the revolution became central to the pages of the workers ' press. The working masses who rose up to fight against the power of capital, who united in Soviets in the factories and in the countryside, in the army and navy, and overthrew tsarism and capitalism, could not fail to win the sympathy of the working class in Portugal. The victory of the Great October Revolution demonstrated the invincible strength of the revolutionary masses, the ability of the proletariat and its allies to prevail over reaction, which determined the support of the re-

3 C. Oliveira. O Primeiro Congresso do Partido Comunista Portugues. Lisboa. 1975, p. 20.

4 B. Goncalves, p. 82.

5 C. Oliveira. Op. cit., p. 27. .

6 Ibid., p. 29.

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The free movement of the Portuguese organized labor movement and some of its leaders created favorable conditions for the propaganda of October ideas in the country. Until 1921, that is, until the founding of the Portuguese Communist Party, A Batalha constantly published materials about the October Revolution and defended it. February 15, 1920 at the premises of the General Confederation of Labor (CGL) A meeting of rail and maritime trade union delegates was held in Lisbon, where an appeal to transport workers around the world was adopted in the presence of the CGT General Secretary. It stated the workers ' intention to prevent the transportation of troops and ammunition for intervention against Soviet Russia. The Assembly supported the idea of creating a "Committee for the Defense of Russia"in Portugal. Many of those who signed this document soon became the founders of the Portuguese Communist Party .7 Progressive historians note that Lisbon's workers were warmly welcomed by the few Soviet ships that anchored in the port of Lisbon shortly after the October Revolution. But the Portuguese authorities almost always forbade the crews of Soviet ships to go ashore .8
As social conflicts escalated, the working-class movement developed, and its organization grew, the bourgeois press attacked the working people and the October Revolution more and more fiercely. She took up and inflated the myth created by the Catholic Church about the" appearance " of Saint Fatima, who allegedly declared that the fate of the motherland depends on the outcome of the crusade necessary for the "salvation" of Russia. The reactionary press was echoed from the pulpits of the church by priests. They instilled in their parishioners that the family was being destroyed in Russia, spread fables about the situation in Soviet Russia, incited public opinion against revolutionary changes, against the communists, and thus prepared the ground for a fascist coup in Portugal.

However, these efforts did not bear the desired fruit. Already in 1922, shortly after its foundation, the PKP and the Communist Youth organization established links with the Comintern and the Communist Youth International. Even the anarchist CGT decided to send a representative to the Congress of the Red Profintern held in Moscow that same year. And trips of trade union delegations to the USSR continued until the beginning of the 30s. Workers who visited the Soviet Union told their comrades the truth about the world's first socialist state. "The demonstration on May 1, 1928, which we attended, is not at all what we are used to seeing in the West," said one such delegation... - We are sure that nowhere in the capitalist world would we find such confidence as that expressed in the USSR by the proletarian masses marching through Red Square. It was not only an agreement with the present, but also a great confidence in the future. " 9 Speaking about this period, A. Cunyal emphasized: "The trips of delegations of Portuguese workers to the USSR, starting from the 1920s, were of great importance. The CPSU and, at one time, the Comintern provided us with ideological assistance."10
The Seventh Congress of the Comintern played an important role in the formation of the PKP. The Portuguese Communist delegation was headed by B. Gonsalves, who was elected General Secretary of the party in 1929. The head of the Portuguese Communist Youth delegation at the same congress was its General Secretary, A. Cunyal. Participation in the congress-

7 "Avante!", 24.II.1977.

8 C. Oliveira. Op. cit., p. 32.

9 A. Vieira. Para a Historia do Sindicalismo em Portugal. Lisboa. 1974, p. 202.

10 A. Kunyal. Successes and difficulties of the half-century journey. "Problems of Peace and Socialism", 1971, N 6, p. 30.

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The SA enriched the PKP leadership with valuable experience, which helped to get rid of the mistakes made and build a new way of working in trade unions and other mass organizations under the fascist dictatorship. Speaking at the congress, B. Gonsalves said: "At the time of the Sixth Congress of the Comintern, the Portuguese Communist Party was a sectarian group, completely isolated from the masses. After the reorganization of our party in 1929, we achieved considerable success. Despite the brutal persecution and exile in the African colonies, despite the murder of several of our best comrades and the torture inflicted on revolutionary workers, the number of party members is now much larger than under the previous leadership. The Communist Party's influence in the working class, among the peasantry, and among the urban petty bourgeoisie is constantly growing. This is primarily the result of the activities of the Communist Party, the only organization that fights underground in defense of the interests of the working masses and against the fascist dictatorship."11
In the six years that have elapsed since 1929, the PKK, supported by the Comintern and the Soviet Communists, has defined its political line, created a solid core of revolutionary cadres, founded its central underground organ, the newspaper Avante!, in 1931, established strong ties with the working class, and thus created the conditions for its further development. development. His path wasn't straight or even. In the process of its long and difficult formation, there were difficult moments. But it was able to overcome its difficulties and weaknesses, correct its mistakes, and become the revolutionary vanguard of the working class, because, as A. Cunyal emphasized, its path was illuminated by Lenin's ideas and experience .12
When the Second World War broke out and nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union, the PKK called on its compatriots to actively join the anti-fascist struggle against the cooperation of the Salazar regime with the Berlin - Rome axis powers. "The victory of the Red Army," Avante! newspaper declared in August 1941, "will mean the victory of all progressive humanity over the Soviet Union. by reaction forces. It will free the world from the fascist nightmare, bring peace and freedom to all peoples... The victory of the Red Army will mean the overthrow of the fascist governments in Europe and the final liberation of working humanity."13 In 1944, when the defeat of German fascism was preordained, Avante! noted:: "Now it is still difficult to calculate in all their volume the military and political consequences of the great victories of the Soviet people. But even today it can be argued that they determine the outcome of the war and are rapidly approaching the hour of the defeat of Hitler's Germany. " 14
The success of the Soviet people and their victory over fascism in World War II gave a powerful impetus to the world revolutionary process. In this new period, characterized by the strengthening of the position of socialism on a global scale, the rapid growth of the anti-imperialist, national liberation movement, and the resolute struggle of the working people of capitalist countries for the improvement of their living conditions, for democratic rights, for peace and socialism, the Portuguese Communists, despite the most severe repressions, persistently fought for the organizational and ideological strengthening of their for the unification of all democratic anti-fascist forces to overthrow the dictatorship of Salazar. In one of his speeches, A. Kunyal uka-

11 B. Goncalves, pp. 114 - 115.

12 "Pravda", 17. IV. 1970.

13 "Avante!", Agosto de 1941.

14 "Avante!", Agosto de 1944.

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According to Lenin's requirements, political decisions and methods of struggle can be developed only on the basis of the specific situation existing in each country, and not by copying ready-made schemes, mechanically transferring the experience of other countries and using recipes that are supposedly suitable in any situation. Therefore, each Communist party must determine its own political line and tactics. However, he stressed, no party can ever pursue a correct line if it does not know how to learn from the rich and diverse experience of fraternal parties, if it is not inspired by the experience and lessons of the October Revolution and Lenin's party. 15
Only on the basis of Leninism was the PKP able to give a correct analysis of the economic and political situation in Portugal, the specific aspects of the development of capitalism, the evolution of the class structure of society, class contradictions and conflicts, to define the current stage of the revolutionary struggle, to define its character and goals. It was only on the basis of Leninism that the PKK was able to establish a system of unions of the working class and pursue an independent policy, to develop correct tactics, the task of which is to develop the struggle of the masses by combining its illegal forms with the use of legal opportunities-however limited, conditional and temporary. Only on the basis of Leninism was the PKP able to successfully fight against bourgeois ideology and the influence of the petty bourgeoisie, opportunists and revisionists on the working-class movement, outline the revolutionary perspective of the working-class and anti-fascist movement, define its organizational principles and apply them in the difficult conditions of the underground. All this allowed the Portuguese Communists to achieve the degree of organization, unity and discipline necessary to successfully resist repression and lead the struggle of the working class and the masses of the people under the fascist dictatorship.

Inspired by Leninism, the PKK established close ties with the working class and the masses of the people and, expressing and defending their aspirations, became a driving force in the struggle for the basic interests of the working population, the struggle against fascism, for the freedom and true independence of Portugal, for recognition of the right of the peoples of its colonies to self-determination and independence. "The existence and activity of the party during the dark years of the fascist dictatorship," A. Cunyal pointed out, "are so inextricably linked with the struggle of the working class and the peoples of Portugal that the history of the PKP is in a broad sense the history of this struggle, which it is impossible to talk about without talking about the role of the party" 16 .

Portuguese communists were the first to raise a voice of protest against the colonial war unleashed by Salazar. On 4 February 1961, when the Angolan people began to fight for their freedom and independence, the PKK declared its solidarity with them. She carried out extensive explanatory and agitation work among the masses, directed against the dirty war unleashed by the fascists in Africa. The PKP assessed the struggle of the colonial peoples as a powerful support for the struggle of the Portuguese people against the fascist dictatorship. The Portuguese people and the peoples of the Portuguese colonies, as the PKK has consistently emphasized, are brothers in suffering and allies in the struggle against the common enemy-the fascist, colonialist Government of Salazar. For its part, the PKP has always supported the struggle of the colonial peoples, and has sought cooperation with the African Party for the Independence of Portuguese Guinea and the Cape Verde Islands, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola and the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique, and all patriots fighting for the independence of their peoples.

15 Pravda, 7. XI. 1967.

16 Pravda, 17. IV. 1970.

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In an interview with the Pravda newspaper on November 23, 1964, A. Cunyal noted that the Communist Party considers it necessary to ensure that the peoples of the Portuguese colonies exercise the right to self-determination and immediate full independence. "If the victory of the democratic revolution in Portugal, in which the Communist Party will play a decisive role, is accomplished before the peoples of the Portuguese colonies win," he said,"the Communist Party will demand the realization of this goal." However, we must not forget that the existence of the fascist dictatorship in Portugal and Salazar's colonial rule are largely due to the military, economic and diplomatic assistance of the United States and other NATO states. Salazar maintained his colonial rule in Africa not because of his own forces: he held on to power himself with the help of NATO. The continuation of the colonial policy, Cunyal stated, was making the country's dependency worse every day; only by ending the colonial oppression of other peoples could Portugal become free and independent.

In 1965, the sixth Congress of the PKK was held underground, which was of great importance for the further development of the anti-fascist democratic movement. The Congress adopted a new party Program, which, based on the specific conditions of Portugal, determined the nature of the future revolution and indicated concrete ways to overthrow the fascist dictatorship, liberate the country from imperialist dependence, and fight for democracy, against the omnipotence of monopolies and latifundists.

The report of the Central Committee of the PCP to the Sixth Party Congress stated that since the October Revolution the Country of Soviets had become a mighty, indestructible fortress of the international working class. The fact that one-third of humanity is building communism and socialism, the fact that the laws of development of the socialist system ensure constant progress at an accelerated and constant pace, the Central Committee of the PCP noted, is the best guarantee of the liberation of the working people of the whole world from exploitation, the liberation of oppressed peoples from imperialist oppression.

In order to stand firm in the struggle against imperialism and force it to retreat, the report of the Central Committee to the Sixth Congress of the PCP said, in order to prevent the export of counter-revolution, to defeat military intervention and aggressors, the firm will of the peoples is necessary; at the same time, agreements, negotiations and compromises between the socialist states and imperialism were, are and remain necessary. "We stand for the policy of peaceful coexistence... A. Kunyal said at the congress, " but what does this have to do with the relentless, irreconcilable class struggle that we are waging and which is costing us many victims? To what extent does our position prevent us from taking up arms to end fascism when the right time comes? We advocate a policy of peaceful coexistence, but how can this position prevent us from welcoming the uprising of the peoples of the Portuguese colonies with joy and helping them: to the best of our ability? " 17
Expressing the position of the Portuguese Communist Party in the struggle for peace, supporting the peace initiatives of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, the information bulletin of the Central Committee of the PKP "O Militante" noted that the struggle for the socialist revolution is closely linked to the struggle for world peace and is an integral part of it. By their struggle for peace, for the construction of socialism and communism, the socialist countries are exerting an ever-increasing influence on the working people of the world.

17 A. Cunhal. Relatorio da actividade do Comite Central ao VI Congresso do Partido Comunista Portugues. Ed. "Avante!". 1965, p. 11.

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of the world. "Each of us, for example, knows, "O Militante emphasized," what a huge impact the Soviet Union's success in conquering space, in nuclear research, in building huge hydroelectric power plants, etc., as well as the success achieved in the field of economics, science and culture by other socialist countries had on millions of people around the world. countries. This is not about simple propaganda or the future. We are talking about tangible, real things that people can touch with their own hands and see with their own eyes. Only facts can confirm in the eyes of millions of people the real superiority of the socialist system and inspire them to fight resolutely for this system. " 18
Throughout its history, the PKK has always acted as an internationalist party, constantly defending the cause of solidarity and unity of the international communist movement on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. The need for socialist and proletarian solidarity, A. Cunyal declared at the International Conference of Communist and Workers ' Parties in Moscow in 1969, is determined by the needs of social development, the identity of the interests of the working class of all countries, and the interests of the revolutionary transformation of the modern world .19 The interaction of all the revolutionary forces in the world is an objective factor. The success of every communist party that fights under capitalist conditions is inseparable from the existence, success, and support of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, and from the international consequences of their victories.

As is well known, since the victory of the socialist Revolution in Russia, the reactionary forces have made anti-Sovietism the main line of their struggle against the organized vanguards of the working class. Portuguese Communists consistently oppose any manifestations of anti-Sovietism. "In our opinion," A. Kunyal emphasized, " any fraternal party would make a tragic mistake if it assumed that it would be easier for it to solve its national tasks or conclude political alliances if it moved away from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union or took a position of systematic criticism towards it. There is always a high price to pay when consistent principled positions are sacrificed for the sake of achieving momentary success. In the half-century since the October Revolution, Communists of all countries have been persecuted and slandered, and have paid with their lives or long years in prison for their friendship and solidarity with the Soviet Union. The parties did not come out of this ordeal weakened, but, on the contrary, strengthened their prestige, authority and influence. " 20
In 1970, the PKP, together with all progressive humanity, celebrated the 100th anniversary of the birth of Lenin, the leader of the victorious October Socialist Revolution and the founder of the world's first socialist state. "To pay tribute to V. I. Lenin," the Central Committee of the PCP emphasized in its greeting to the Central Committee of the CPSU, " means to express respect for him not only as the leader of the Russian proletariat, but also as a brilliant theorist and leader of the international working class. The October Revolution, the experience and victories of the Bolsheviks, the theoretical writings and practical activities of V. I. Lenin, and the Communist International founded on his initiative had a decisive influence on the creation and strengthening of the revolutionary vanguards of the working class in all countries and accelerated the development of the entire world revolutionary process...

18 "O Militante", Agosto de 1965, pp. 11 - 12.

19 "International Conference of Communist and Workers 'Parties, Moscow, 1969". Prague. 1969, p. 501.

20 Ibid., p. 502.

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...The example of the October Revolution, the experience of the Bolshevik Party, and the spread of Lenin's ideas and experience in the world greatly influenced the growth of the political consciousness of the Portuguese proletariat... Having fought for 44 years in the harsh conditions of the underground imposed by the fascist dictatorship, the PKP, guided by Lenin's ideas and following his experience, hardened itself as the revolutionary vanguard of the working class and the entire democratic movement of our country. " 21
Just before the overthrow of Portuguese fascism, A. Cunyal, speaking at the Conference of the Communist Parties of Europe in January 1974, once again explained the PKK's position on the interaction of the revolutionary forces of our time. The meaning of the existence of our parties, he said, and their historical task is to lead the working class and its allies to a socialist revolution. National specifics will inevitably cause differences in the ways of gaining power and methods of building a new society. "None of our countries," said A. Cunyal, " will repeat the situation that was observed in any of the fourteen previously victorious revolutions. None of our parties has the task of copying any of them. Revolutions are not copied or repeated... In Western Europe, as in other parts of the world, socialism will be the result of original decisions, the fruit of the creative activity of the masses and their revolutionary vanguard... And in Portugal, the specific conditions of the country and the revolutionary process will determine the national characteristics of socialism..." Kunyal, every party can only succeed in finding this path if it takes into account the historical experience of the October Revolution and other socialist revolutions and does not forget the basic and universal laws of the socialist revolution. It is precisely in order to distract the masses from the struggle for socialism that imperialist propaganda is waging a systematic campaign to discredit reality in the socialist countries and, above all, in the Soviet Union. "It is ridiculous to listen to those who deny the most basic freedoms to the working people in their own country, but demand freedom in socialist countries, freedom, of course, for the anti-socialist elements. If we were to oppose the socialism for which we are fighting to existing socialism, if we were to assert that real socialism is "not suitable" for us, we would thereby help the class enemy and undermine one of the main foundations of our own influence, and contribute to the withdrawal of the masses from the struggle for socialism. We consider as an integral part of our struggle for socialism the task of helping to familiarize ourselves with the experience and achievements of the socialist countries, in order to strengthen friendship and solidarity with the socialist countries, with the working class and fraternal parties of all countries. " 22
On April 25, 1974, the heroic captains who created the Armed Forces Movement withdrew their troops from their barracks and overthrew the fascist dictatorship in Portugal. This action was immediately supported by a mass popular movement, prepared by the entire course of the class struggle in the country in the previous years, the failure of the colonial war in Africa, and the isolation of Portuguese fascism on the international stage. The events of April 25 marked the beginning of the democratic and national revolution in Portugal. The progressive changes made there contributed to the establishment of diplomatic and economic relations with the Soviet Union. This step was a significant event in the life of Portugal. "With great joy to the workers-

21 "Pravda", 27. IV. 1970.

22 A. Cunhal. A Revolucao portuguesa. Lisboa. 1975, pp. 177 - 179.

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I and all the Portuguese democrats, - said A. Cunyal, speaking at a rally in Lisbon in those days, - took the news that for the first time in history, 57 years after the October Revolution, diplomatic relations were finally established between Portugal and the Soviet Union - the great country of socialism... Finally, the Portuguese people, who have removed the criminal barriers that existed during fascism, will be able to recognize the Soviet people and other friendly peoples who, during the brutal years of the fascist dictatorship, always actively supported the struggle of the Portuguese people and, we can be sure of this, continue to support it today until the final victory of democracy in our country ... " 23 .

In a short period of time, the Portuguese people achieved significant success during the revolution. The main industries and banks were nationalized, and the omnipotence of capitalist monopolies was eliminated. In agriculture (mainly in the south of the country), the implementation of agrarian reform has begun. At the initiative of the workers, popular control emerged in many enterprises as a form of struggle against the economic sabotage of the bourgeoisie. The democratic forces successfully repelled several counter-revolutionary coup attempts made by the reaction. "The Portuguese Revolution," said Leonid Brezhnev, delivering a Report of the Central Committee of the CPSU to the XXV Party Congress, " ended one of the last fascist regimes of our time and led to the liquidation of the last colonial empire. ...The Soviet Union is categorically opposed to any interference in the internal affairs of Portugal. The Portuguese people, like everyone else, have the right to follow the path that they choose for themselves."24
The greeting of the Central Committee of the PKP to the XXV Congress of the CPSU stated that the Communists and workers of Portugal perceive the successes of the Soviet people as their own successes, seeing in them a valuable contribution to the struggle of the Portuguese people for the final victory of the revolution. "One of the reasons we are confident that we can defend and strengthen the gains of the Portuguese Revolution is because we know that our people are not alone. Both during the long and difficult struggle against the fascist dictatorship and during the 22 months of the revolution, we have always had the solidarity of progressive forces from all over the world, and especially from the communist and labor movements and socialist countries. The Soviet people and the CPSU are always at the forefront of the forces that show solidarity with the Portuguese people, both before and now."25
Speaking from the rostrum of the XXV Congress of the CPSU and assessing its significance, A. Kunyal said, addressing its delegates: "You are building a society that has put an end to all forms of oppression and discrimination, where the material well-being and cultural level of workers is constantly growing. This is a society whose economic development rate is second to none in the world. This is a society where socialist democracy is constantly expanding. And its political, economic and social content is the embodiment of true equality and individual freedom based on the elimination of human exploitation by man. Know, comrades, Soviet Communists, that the working class and the working masses of all countries need you very much... Your solidarity evokes a deep sense of gratitude among all the revolutionaries of our country. The Soviet people and Lenin's party today, as always, can also be sure of the friendship and solidarity of the Portuguese Communist Party. " 26
23 A. Cunhal. A Revoiucao portuguesa, pp. 218 - 219.

24 "Materials of the XXV Congress of the CPSU", Moscow, 1976, p. 29.

25 "Greetings to the XXV Congress of the CPSU", Moscow, 1976, pp. 285-286.

26 Ibid., pp. 278-279.

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In June 1976, at the Conference of the Communist and Workers ' Parties of Europe in Berlin, the head of the PKP delegation, A. Cunyal, emphasized the urgent need for international solidarity, saying: "Since the reactionary conservative forces realized what a powerful energy is generated by the solidarity of workers and peoples, they set themselves the task of weakening the unity of the international communist movement. To this end, they use anti-Sovietism and a campaign of monstrous slander against the socialist states, the communist and workers ' parties. Reactionary forces make special efforts to encourage difficulties in relations between the socialist countries, to split off or alienate the communist parties in the capitalist countries from the U.S.S.R. and other socialist countries, and to unleash, sharpen, and exploit differences between the communist parties. In response to all this blackmail, we continue to stand firmly on our main positions - on the positions of assistance, friendship and solidarity with the USSR and other socialist countries, with fraternal parties, with national liberation movements, and especially with the peoples of the former Portuguese colonies and their revolutionary parties. " 27
The eighth Congress of the PCP, which met in November 1976, summed up the heroic struggle of the PCP, analyzed the situation in Portugal after the adoption of a new, democratic constitution and the election of permanent authorities, and outlined ways to continue the struggle in defense and expansion of the gains of the revolution, against the threat of fascism. In the profound and detailed work of A. Cunyal "The Portuguese Revolution: Past and Future", which contains an analysis of the revolutionary process in Portugal and presented as a Report of the Central Committee of the PCP to the Congress, it was emphasized: "Throughout its history, the PCP has always been, is and will continue to stand in solidarity with fraternal parties, regardless of possible differences in points of view or differences. It was, remains, and will continue to stand in solidarity with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, which represent a powerful bulwark for the working and revolutionary forces of all countries. " 28 The political resolution of the Congress stated that the victories of the Portuguese Revolution were mainly due to the struggle of the masses of the people. However, they were encouraged by a favorable international environment, which reduced opportunities and prevented attempts at intervention by which imperialism wanted to end the revolutionary process in Portugal. The change in the balance of power on the world stage in favour of peace, national independence, social progress and socialism was made possible mainly by the successes and achievements of the socialist system, the achievements and victories of the working class of capitalist countries, the success of the national liberation movement, and the consistent internationalism and peace policy pursued by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. 29
The eighth Congress of the PCP was a demonstration of the feelings of friendship and fraternal solidarity felt by the Portuguese Communists and the Portuguese people towards the motherland of October-the Soviet Union and its Communist Party. This friendship and cooperation grew stronger and developed throughout the 60-year history of the Country of Soviets.

27 Pravda, 3. VII. 1976.

28 A. Cunhal. A Revolucao portuguesa. O passado e o futuro. Lisboa. 1976, p. 432.

29 "VIII Cnngresso do PCP. 11 a 14 Nov. 1976". Lisboa. 1977, p. 205.

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